WASHINGTON — Senator Ed Markey was rushing to get to the Senate chamber Wednesday to be on time for what he called a waste of time: the impeachment trial of Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas.
“It’s complete political theater,” the Massachusetts Democrat said before jumping into an elevator in the Capitol with Senators Bernie Sanders, a Vermont independent, and Marsha Blackburn, a Tennessee Republican.
“We don’t know how long this is going to take today,” Markey said, clutching a chicken salad sandwich he hoped to eat during breaks in the proceedings. “Marsha might know, but we don’t know.”
“I don’t know,” Blackburn responded. “I’m asking you.”
Advertisement
It was one of the many unanswered questions on an unusually chaotic day in Congress. And that’s saying something.
Republicans found themselves grappling with a three-headed monster of their own making: the impeachment of a Democratic Cabinet secretary that had no chance of succeeding, the shaky hold on power of their House speaker, and the ongoing tribulations of their presumptive presidential nominee, Donald Trump, who wasn’t swooping in to help them because he’s in the midst of a criminal trial.
All the while, crucial priorities, such as sending military assistance to war-torn US allies, sit and wait.
A new type of congressional disarray has arrived in waves since Republicans took control of the House in January 2023. Their historically narrow majority has given oversized clout to far-right Republicans, who’ve used it to render the House leaderless for significant stretches of time, and are again threatening to create another leadership vacuum with a growing threat to oust Speaker Mike Johnson.
When they’ve stopped infighting long enough to work, House Republicans have often delivered partisan hot potatoes doomed to cool and rot in the Senate — all while delaying votes on bills with strong bipartisan support, such as a $95 billion foreign aid package to assist Ukraine and Israel. A prime example arrived this week in the form of the Mayorkas articles of impeachment over allegations he has failed to secure the border.
Advertisement
As the Senate slogged toward the inevitable dismissal of the Mayorkas charges, the House scrambled to digest four foreign aid bills released by Johnson, which were doomed to meet conservative opposition no matter what.
Johnson’s maneuver greatly complicates the effort to get billions of dollars to Ukraine for its war against Russia, to Israel for its war against Hamas, and humanitarian assistance for war-devastated Gaza. And while the clock is ticking on that desperately needed assistance, time is also running out on another vital piece of legislation: reauthorization of part of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, or FISA, which expires Friday night.
If the provision does lapse, US officials said, they would lose the ability to launch new spying on foreign enemies to try to thwart terrorist attacks and other threats. The House approved the reauthorization last week in a bipartisan vote after a typical bout of legislative drama. But the delivery this week of the Mayorkas impeachment articles — approved by the House with only Republican votes — took precedence due to Senate rules.
So the Senate gaveled in shortly after 1 p.m. with the Mayorkas impeachment on the agenda and strict procedures for how to handle it. All 100 senators needed to be in attendance.
Advertisement
It didn’t take long for the arguing to begin.
After about 3½ hours, with senators often looking like they were strapped in for an unpleasant flight, they voted along party lines to dismiss both articles of impeachment without any formal presentation of evidence.
Republicans and Democrats both emerged upset.
“Chuck Schumer just nuked our impeachment trials forever,” said Senator Eric Schmitt, a Missouri Republican. “So he’s going to go down in the annals of history as one of the worst United States senators because he set fire to the Constitution and ignored 200 years of precedent.”
Senator John Fetterman, a Democrat from Pennsylvania, wasn’t happy either. The trial not only meant an unproductive afternoon, but one in which he had to ditch his usual attire of a hoodie and shorts for a jacket and tie.
“I’m never going to enjoy anything that forces me to wear a suit,” Fetterman said as he headed back to his office. “If people . . . decide we want to piss 3½ hours away, well they did that today. I hope everyone feels better after it, but I don’t. But at least I am glad that it’s over.”
That’s not the case with the threat to Johnson’s job.
Two House Republicans have threatened to remove him, pointing to the Ukraine aid package as evidence he’s pushing a Democratic agenda instead of a conservative one.
Last fall, House Republicans spent more than three weeks struggling to elect Johnson after eight GOP rebels voted to oust Kevin McCarthy from the job. Now, the possibility of a rerun — sinking Johnson without any apparent alternative — wasn’t sitting well with some Republicans.
Advertisement
“I think it’s despicable. Some folks seem to like anarchy for whatever reason,” said Representative Don Bacon, a moderate Republican from Nebraska. “Mike Johnson’s a good man, he’s trying to do the right thing, and we should stand behind him. Period.”
But Republican Marjorie Taylor Greene of Georgia said she is done standing by Johnson and has filed a motion to remove him. This week, another conservative Republican, Representative Thomas Massie of Kentucky, said he’d join her. Massie’s move came after Johnson appeared withDonald Trump in Florida on Friday, where the former president declared, “I stand with the speaker.”
Trump, whose campaign did not respond to a request for comment on the upheaval on Capitol Hill, could do more to halt the revolt against Johnson. But he has a more personal concern: staying out of jail.
And Trump didn’t exactly do Johnson the courtesy of reiterating his support for him again this week.
“Well, we’ll see what happens with that,” Trump reportedly said Tuesday. “I think he’s a very good person.”
Representative Brad Wenstrup, an Ohio Republican, said he doesn’t understand what the end game is for Johnson’s opponents.
“We’ve got work to do,” he said. “Right now, it’s just too easy to say, ‘If I can’t get my bill on the floor, I’m going to make you put it on or I’m going to get rid of you.’ I just don’t see where that is an effective tool in accomplishing things.”
Advertisement
As the House Republican majority shrinks to a one-vote margin with the resignation of Wisconsin Representative Mike Gallagher expected to take effect in the coming days, there’s a growing likelihood that Johnson will have to rely on Democrats to take the unprecedented step of coming to his rescue.
For example, Representative Ann Kuster, a Democrat from New Hampshire, said she told Johnson that if the House does vote on the foreign aid measures, then she “personally would have no reason to get rid of him.”
House Democrats are beyond frustrated at the inability of Republicans to run the chamber without open revolt breaking out every few months.
“We still have things that need to happen,” said Kuster, chair of the moderate New Democrat Coalition. “Congress can’t just stop now.”
Jim Puzzanghera can be reached at jim.puzzanghera@globe.com. Follow him @JimPuzzanghera. Lissandra Villa de Petrzelka can be reached at lissandra.villa@globe.com. Follow her @LissandraVilla. Charlotte Ehrlich can be reached at charlotte.ehrlich.globe.com.